Novedad bibliográfica

The Romance languages and dialects constitute a treasure trove of linguistic data of profound interest and significance. Data from the Romance languages have contributed extensively to our current empirical and theoretical understanding of phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, pragmatics, sociolinguistics, and historical linguistics. Written by a team of world-renowned scholars, this Handbook explores what we can learn about linguistics from the study of Romance languages, and how the body of comparative and historical data taken from them can be applied to linguistic study. It also offers insights into the diatopic and diachronic variation exhibited by the Romance family of languages, of a kind unparalleled for any other Western languages. By asking what Romance languages can do for linguistics, this Handbook is essential reading for all linguists interested in the insights that a knowledge of the Romance evidence can provide for general issues in linguistic theory.

List of Figures 
List of Tables
List of Contributors 
List of Abbreviations 

1 Data, Theory, and Explanation: The View from Romance

Adam Ledgeway and Martin Maiden 
1.1 Introduction 
1.2 The View from Morphosyntax and the Case of Functional Categories
1.2.1 From Latin to Romance: The Rise of Functional Categories 
1.2.2 Linguistic Variation
1.2.2.1 Parameters 
1.2.2.2 Language Universals 
1.2.2.3 Typological Variation 
1.2.2.4 The Interfaces 
1.2.2.5 Interim Conclusions 
1.2.3 What Romance Can Do for Syntactic Theory 
1.2.3.1 Pro-drop Parameter 
1.2.3.2 Verb Positions 
1.2.3.3 Mapping the Left Periphery of the Clause 
1.2.3.4 Interim Conclusions 
1.2.4 What Linguistic Theory Can Do for Romance 
1.2.4.1 Word Order 
1.2.4.2 Pro-drop Parameter Revisited 
1.2.4.3 The Placiti cassinesi 
1.2.4.4 Dual Complementizer Systems 
1.2.4.5 Nominal Functional Structure 

1.3 The View from Romance Palatalization 
1.3.1 Sketch of the Two Major Romance ‘Waves’ of Palatalization and Their Consequences 
1.3.2 The Palatalization of the Velars and the Emergence of a Sound Change 
1.3.3 When Does Phonological Conditioning of Morphological Alternation ‘Stop’? Comparative Romance Evidence 
1.3.4 When Does the Morphologization of a Sound Change ‘Start’? Comparative Romance Evidence 
1.3.5 ‘Standard Language Bias’ in Historical Linguistic Analysis
1.3.6 What Is a Romance Language? Could There Be an Answer in Morphology?
1.4 Conclusion

Part One. What Is a Language?

2 Origins of Romance

Nigel Vincent 
2.1 Introduction 
2.2 Attestation vs Reconstruction: The DÉRom Controversy 
2.3 Texts and Times: The Chronology of Latin 
2.4 The Issue of ‘Submerged’ Latin 
2.5 The Role of Language Contact 
2.6 Reconstruction and Levels of Language: Three Case Studies 
2.6.1 The Verb go 
2.6.2 Control and want Verbs 
2.6.3 Recomplementation 
2.7 Conclusion and General Lessons 

3 Documentation and Sources

Alvise Andreose and Laura Minervini 
3.1 Introduction 
3.2 Sources for the Study of Late Latin and Early Romance 
3.2.1 Sources of ‘Vulgar Latin’ or ‘Late Latin’ 
3.2.2 The Problem of Transition 
3.2.3 The Earliest Testimonies of Romance Languages 
3.3 Medieval Romance Scriptae 
3.3.1 Introduction 
3.3.2 Literary Texts 
3.3.3 Documentary and Practical Texts 
3.4 The Codification of Romance Languages in the Modern Age 
3.4.1 Printed Sources 
3.4.2 National Languages, Regional Languages, and Dialects 
3.4.3 Grammar and Dictionaries 
3.5 Dialectological Enquiries, Linguistic Atlases, and Dialectometry 
3.5.1 The Beginnings of Dialectological Enquiries and Linguistic Cartography 
3.5.2 After the ALF: Traditional and New Linguistic Atlases 
3.5.3 Historical Atlases and Dialectometry 
3.6 Corpus Linguistics 
3.6.1 The Beginnings of Corpus Linguistics 
3.6.2 Oral Corpora and Historical Corpora 

4 Variation in Romance

Diego Pescarini and Michele Loporcaro 
4.1 Introduction 
4.2 Systematic Variation: The Case of Subject Clitics 
4.2.1 Subject Clitics and the Null Subject Parameter 
4.2.2 Expletive Subject Clitics and Agreement 
4.2.3 Subject Clitics vs Verbal Agreement 
4.2.4 Gaps 
4.2.5 Syncretism 
4.2.6 Pantiscu, an Outlier 
4.3 Auxiliary Selection and Auxiliary Splits 
4.3.1 Lexical and Semantic Factors 
4.3.2 The Syntactic Gradient 
4.3.3 Person-Driven Variation and Splits 
4.3.4 Variation in Mixed Auxiliation: Give to Morphology What Belongs to Morphology 
4.3.5 An Outlier: Do-Support in the Dialect of Monno 
4.4 Modelling Linguistic Diversity 

Part Two Phonetics and Phonology

5 Structure of the Syllable

Giovanna Marotta 
5.1 Preliminary Remarks 
5.2 Syllable Structure and Quantity in Latin 
5.3 The Fate of Quantity in Romance Languages 
5.3.1 Vowel Length 
5.3.2 Open Syllable Lengthening 
5.4 Syllable Constituents 
5.4.1 Romance Nuclei 
5.4.2 Unstressed Nuclei 
5.4.3 Romance Onsets 
5.4.4 Romance Codas 
5.5 Phonological Processes 
5.5.1 Diphthongization 
5.5.2 Palatalization 
5.5.3 Lenition 
5.6 Lexical Stress 
5.7 Parametric Variation in Metrical Patterns 
5.8 Syllable and Rhythm 
5.9 ‘Western’ versus ‘Eastern’ Romance 

6 Sandhi Phenomena

Max W. Wheeler and Paul O’Neill 
6.1 Introduction 
6.2 Vowel Sandhi 
6.2.1 Elision of [ə] in Eastern Continental Catalan 
6.2.1.1 Stressed Vowel Followed by an Unstressed Non-high Vowel [ə]  
6.2.1.2 Unstressed Non-high Vowel [ə] Followed by a Stressed Vowel 
6.2.1.3 Contact between Unstressed Vowels 
6.2.2 Elision in French 
6.3 Inter-word Vowel–Consonant Contact: V.#C 
6.4 Inter-word Consonant–Consonant Contact: C.#C 
6.4.1 Consonant Contacts in Majorcan Catalan 
6.4.2 Consonantal Contact in Occitan 
6.4.3 Lexicalization in C.#C Contacts 
6.4.3.1 French Liaison 
6.4.3.2 Initial Geminates from Coda Assimilation: Rafforzamento Fonosintattico 
6.4.3.3 Aspiration of /s/ in Andalusian Spanish 

7 Effects of Stress

Judith Meinschaefer
7.1 Introduction 
7.2 Metrical Structure, Stress Assignment, and the Prosodic Hierarchy 
7.2.1 Introduction 
7.2.2 Prosodic Structure 
7.2.3 Word Stress 
7.3 Phonological Effects 
7.3.1 Introduction 
7.3.2 Effects of Prominence 
7.3.2.1 Vowel Lengthening 
7.3.2.2 Diphthongization 
7.3.3 Effects of Non-prominence 
7.3.3.1 Introduction 
7.3.3.2 Vowel Deletion 
7.3.4 Vowel Reduction 
7.4 Effects of Metrical Constituency 
7.4.1 Introduction 
7.4.2 Consonant Gemination 
7.4.3 Vowel Insertion 
7.4.4 Compensatory Lengthening 
7.4.5 Clash Resolution 
7.5 Morpholexical Effects 
7.5.1 Alternations in Verb Roots 
7.5.2 Alternations in Function Words 
7.5.3 Minimality Requirements on Lexical Words 

8 The Notion of the Phoneme

Benedetta Baldi and Leonardo M. Savoia
8.1 Introduction 
8.2 The Phoneme 
8.3 Conditions for Phonemes: Linearity, Invariance, and Biuniqueness 
8.4 Phonemes and Historical Changes 
8.5 Features Theory and Generative Phonology 
8.6 Approaches to Complex Phenomena: Phonology
as Externalization 
8.7 Concluding Remarks 

9 Typologically Exceptional Phenomena in Romance Phonology

Eulàlia Bonet and Francesc Torres-Tamarit 
9.1 Introduction 
9.2 Phoneme Inventories 
9.2.1 Front Rounded Vowels 
9.2.2 Galician Geada 
9.2.3 The Voiced Velar Stop in Asturian 
9.2.4 Spanish Ceceo 
9.2.5 Retroflex Consonants in Sardinian and Italo-Romance Varieties 
9.2.6 Palatal Stops in Raeto-Romance 
9.2.7 Glottal Stops in Campidanian Sardinian 
9.3 Syllabic Structure 
9.3.1 Word-Initial and Word-Medial Consonant Clusters 
9.3.2 Final Consonantal Clusters with Rising Sonority in Insular Catalan 
9.4 Segmental Processes 
9.4.1 Vowel Devoicing 
9.4.2 Diphthongization of Long Vowels in Canadian French 
9.4.3 Gliding of High Vowels and Palatalization in Romanian 
9.4.4 Glide Strengthening in Romansh 
9.4.5 Velar Nasals in Northern Italian Dialects and Galician 
9.4.6 Nasal Place Neutralization towards [m] in Spanish 
9.4.7 Word-Final Deletion of /ɾ/ and /n/ in Catalan 
9.4.8 Campidanian Sardinian Lenition 
9.4.9 Intervocalic Fortition in Salentino 
9.4.10 Final Affrication of /ʒ/ in Catalan 
9.4.11 Campidanian Sardinian Rhotic Metathesis 
9.4.12 Palatalization of /s/ in Coda Position in Portuguese 
9.4.13 Onset Clusters in Ribagorçan Catalan 
9.5 Suprasegmentals 
9.5.1 Plural Morphemes and Low Tone in Occitan 
9.5.2 Moraic Verbal Morphemes in Friulian 
9.5.3 Truncated Vocatives 

Part Three Morphology

10 Phonological and Morphological Conditioning

Franck Floricic and Lucia Molinu
10.1 Introduction 
10.2 Allomorphy of the Definite Article 
10.3 Subject Clitic Allomorphy 
10.4 Possessive Allomorphy 
10.5 Stem Allomorphy 
10.5.1 Verb Allomorphy 
10.5.2 Nominal Allomorphy 
10.5.3 Adjectival Allomorphy 
10.6 Affix Allomorphy 
10.7 Conclusion 

11 The Autonomy of Morphology

Louise Esher and Paul O’Neill 
11.1 Introduction 
11.2 Origins of the Autonomy of Morphology 
11.3 Autonomy of Morphology from Phonology and Semantics and the Notion of the Morphome 
11.4 A Typology of Morphomic Structures in Romance 
11.4.1 Metamorphomes 
11.4.1.1 The Concept at Issue 
11.4.1.2 Source of Four Common Romance Metamorphomes 
11.4.1.3 Behaviour of Metamorphomes 
11.4.2 Rhizomorphomes (Inflexional Classes) 
11.4.2.1 The Concept 
11.4.2.2 Exponents of Rhizomorphomes 
11.5 Theoretical Reflections and Considerations 

12 Suppletion

Martin Maiden and Anna M. Thornton
12.1 Definitions of Suppletion 
12.2 Typology and Distribution of Romance Suppletions 
12.2.1 Introduction 
12.2.2 Ordinal vs Cardinal Numerals 
12.2.3 Comparatives and Superlatives 
12.2.4 Inflexional Morphology of Personal Pronouns 
12.2.5 Inflexional Morphology of Verbs, Nouns, and Adjectives 
12.3 General Determinants and Conditions of Suppletion as Reflected in the Romance Data 
12.3.1 Sound Change as Determinant of Suppletion 
12.3.2 Incursive Suppletion and Its Causes 
12.3.3 The Paradigmatic Distribution of Suppletion 
12.3.4 The Role of Phonological Resemblance in Determining Incursive Suppletion 
12.4 Conclusion 

13 Inflexion, Derivation, Compounding

Chiara Cappellaro and Judith Meinschaefer 
13.1 Introduction 
13.2 Basic Characteristics of Inflexion, Derivation, and Compounding in Romance 
13.2.1 Introduction 
13.2.2 Inflexion  
13.2.3 Derivation 
13.2.4 Compounding 
13.3 Distinctions in Form and Constituency 
13.3.1 Introduction 
13.3.2 Morphophonological Alternations 
13.3.3 Prosodic Constituency 
13.3.4 Morphological Ellipsis in Coordination 
13.4 Issues and Challenges: Inflexion and Derivation 
13.4.1 Introduction 
13.4.2 Typical Properties Illustrated with Romance Data 
13.4.3 Two Case Studies 
13.4.3.1 Introduction 
13.4.3.2 Synchrony: Italian Ambigeneric Nouns with -a Plural 
13.4.3.3 Diachrony: Latin -sc- 
13.5 The Interaction of Inflexion, Derivation, and Compounding in ‘Conversion’ 
13.5.1 Introduction 
13.5.2 Derivation without Affix 
13.5.3 Word-Level Conversion as Derivation 
13.5.4 Syntactic Conversion 
13.5.5 Formations without a Base 

14 Evaluative Suffixes

Antonio Fortin and Franz Rainer 
14.1 Introduction 
14.2 Zwicky and Pullum’s Criteria for Expressive Morphology 
14.2.1 Introduction 
14.2.2 Pragmatic Effects 
14.2.3 Promiscuity with Regard to Input Category 
14.2.4 Promiscuity with Regard to Input Basehood 
14.2.5 Imperfect Control 
14.2.6 Alternative Outputs 
14.2.7 Interspeaker Variation 
14.2.8 Special Syntax 
14.3 Evaluative Affixes in Semantic and Pragmatic Theory 
14.3.1 Introduction 
14.3.2 Heterogeneous Meanings and Uses of the Diminutive 
14.3.3 Semantic versus Pragmatic Accounts 
14.3.4 Romance Evaluative Affixes in Formal Semantics 
14.4 Diminutives outside Verb Inflexions in Romance 
14.4.1 Positional Mobility of Evaluative Suffixes in Latin and Romance 
14.4.2 Diminutive Suffixes outside Verbal Inflexion 
14.4.2.1 Romanian 
14.4.2.2 Italian (Dialect of Lucca, Tuscany) 
14.4.2.3 Occitan (Gévaudan Dialect) 
14.4.2.4 Spanish 
14.4.2.5 Brazilian Portuguese 
14.4.3 Lessons for General Linguistics 
14.5 Conclusion 

15 Counting Systems

Brigitte L. M. Bauer
15.1 Introduction 
15.2 Early Systems of Quantification 
15.3 Numerical Counting 
15.3.1 Bases and Arithmetical Operations 
15.3.2 Bases and Arithmetical Operations in Romance/Latin 
15.3.3 Order of Meaningful Elements 
15.4 Types of Numeral 
15.4.1 Latin vs Romance Numerals 
15.4.2 A Systemic Difference 
15.4.3 Grammatical Marking on Numerals 
15.5 Potential Effects of Language Contact: Romanian Teens and Decads 
15.5.1 Romanian Teens 
15.5.2 Romanian Decads 
15.6 Vigesimals: Language Contact or Internal Development? 
15.6.1 Vigesimals in Romance 
15.6.2 Formal Characteristics of Vigesimal Forms in Romance 
15.6.3 Vigesimals in Other Languages 
15.6.4 Origins of Vigesimal Forms in Romance 
15.7 Decimal System in Romance 

Part Four Syntax

16 Argument Structure and Argument Realization
Víctor Acedo-Matellán, Jaume Mateu, and Anna Pineda 
16.1 Introduction 
16.2 Unaccusativity and Unergativity 
16.3 The Clitic se 
16.4 Datives 
16.5 Lexicalization Patterns 
16.6 Concluding Remarks 

17 Agreement

Roberta D’Alessandro 
17.1 Introduction 
17.2 Phrase Structure Rules for Agreement 
17.3 Spec-Head Agreement 
17.3.1 Agreement in a Spec-Head Configuration 
17.4 Agreement in the Minimalist Program 
17.4.1 Participial Agreement Revisited 
17.4.2 Unaccusatives 
17.5 Morphological Agreement 
17.5.1 Rich Agreement and Null Subjects 
17.5.1.1 Agreement and Subject Clitics 

18 Alignment

Sonia Cyrino and Michelle Sheehan
18.1 Introduction 
18.2 On the Diachrony of Alignment in Romance 
18.3 Auxiliary Selection 
18.3.1 Frequent Patterns 
18.3.2 Rarer Patterns  
18.4 Past Participle Agreement 
18.4.1 Frequent Patterns 
18.4.2 Rarer Patterns 
18.5 SE-Passives 
18.6 Word Order 
18.7 Other Phenomena 
18.7.1 Inde-Cliticization 
18.7.2 Absolute Participles and Participial Adjectives 
18.8 Conclusion 

19 Complex Predicates

Adina Dragomirescu, Alexandru Nicolae and Gabriela Pan˘a Dindelegan
19.1 Outline and Scope 
19.2 Delimitations and Diagnostics 
19.2.1 What Is a Complex Predicate? 
19.2.2 Diagnosing Monoclausality 
19.3 Auxiliaries 
19.3.1 Introduction 
19.3.2 Auxiliary-Verb Constructions Based on habere ‘Have’ 
19.3.3 Auxiliary-Verb Constructions Based on esse ‘Be’ 
19.3.4 Auxiliary-Verb Constructions Based on Other Verbs 
19.3.5 TAM Make-up of Auxiliaries 
19.4 The Periphrastic Passive 
19.4.1 Synthetic vs Analytic 
19.4.2 Frequency and Distribution 
19.4.3 Participle Agreement 
19.4.4 The Reflexive Passive 
19.4.5 Inventory of Passive (Semi-)Auxiliary Verbs 
19.4.6 The Double Passive 
19.4.7 The Position of Constituents in the Passive Periphrasis 
19.4.8 Monoclausal Properties 
19.5 Aspectual Periphrases 
19.6 Modal Complex Predicates 
19.7 Causative Complex Predicates 
19.7.1 Introduction 
19.7.2 Facere Causatives 
19.7.2.1 The Faire-infinitif Construction 
19.7.2.2 The Faire-par Construction 
19.7.3 Laxare Causatives 
19.7.4 Mandare Causatives 
19.8 Complex Predicates with Perception Verbs 
19.9 Conclusions: What Romance Languages Tell Us about

20 Dependency, Licensing, and the Nature of Grammatical Relations

Anna Cardinaletti and Giuliana Giusti
20.1 Introduction
20.2 Parallels between Nominal Expressions and Clauses 
20.2.1 Split IP, Split CP, and Verb Movement 
20.2.2 The Adjectival Hierarchy and the Position of N 
20.3 Encoding and Licensing of Grammatical Relations 
20.3.1 Encoding the Subject 
20.3.2 Encoding Objects 
20.3.3 Possessives 
20.4 Long-Distance Dependencies 
20.4.1 A-Movements 
20.4.2 Clitic Movement 
20.4.3 A0-Movements 
20.5 Pronominal Dependencies 
20.5.1 Binding 
20.5.2 Control Constructions 
20.6 Conclusions 

21 Parametric Variation

Adam Ledgeway and Norma Schifano
21.1 Introduction 
21.2 Sentential Core 
21.2.1 Subject Clitics 
21.2.2 Auxiliary Selection 
21.2.2.1 Tense and Mood 
21.2.2.2 Person and Argument Structure 
21.2.2.3 Diachronic Considerations 
21.2.2.4 Summary 
21.2.3 Verb-Movement 
21.2.4 Negation 
21.2.4.1 Correlation between Verb-Movement and Jespersen’s Stages 
21.3 Left Periphery 
21.3.1 Grammaticalization of (In)definiteness on C 
21.3.2 Weak/Strong C

Part Five Semantics and Pragmatics

22 Word Meanings and Concepts

Steven N. Dworkin
22.1 Traditional Approaches to Lexical Change 
22.2 Grammaticalization and Pragmatic-Semantic Change 
22.3 Prepositions and Prepositional Phrases 
22.4 Degrammaticalization (or Lexicalization?) 
22.5 Discourse Markers and Semantic-Pragmatic Change 
22.6 Subjectification and Evidentiality 
22.7 A Concluding Observation 

23 Key Topics in Semantics: Presupposition, Anaphora, (In)definite Nominal Phrases, Deixis, Tense and Aspect, Negation

Chiara Gianollo and Giuseppina Silvestri
23.1 Introduction 
23.2 Presupposition 
23.2.1 Introduction 
23.2.2 Presupposition and (In)definiteness 
23.2.3 Presupposition Autonomy and Triggers 
23.2.4 Presuppositionality and Case Marking 
23.2.4.1 Presuppositionality and Differential Object Marking 
23.2.4.2 Presuppositionality and Greek-Style Dative 
23.3 Anaphora 
23.3.1 Introduction 
23.3.2 Pronominal Anaphora 
23.3.2.1 Intrasentential Anaphora 
23.3.2.2 Discourse Anaphora 
23.3.3 Temporal Anaphora 
23.4 (In)definite Nominal Phrases 
23.4.1 Introduction 
23.4.2 Articles: Distribution, Functional Load, Diachronic Emergence 
23.4.3 Indefinites 
23.5 Deixis 
23.5.1 Introduction 
23.5.2 Spatial Deixis 
23.5.3 Temporal Deixis 
23.5.4 Person Deixis 
23.6 Tense and Aspect 
23.6.1 Introduction 
23.6.2 Imperfectivity and Perfectivity in Present and Past 
23.6.3 Tense, Aspect, and Modality: Imperfect and Future 
23.7 Negation 
23.7.1 Introduction 
23.7.2 Negative Concord 
23.7.3 Diachronic Developments 
23.7.4 Pragmatically Marked Negation 

24 Speech Acts, Discourse, and Clause Type

Alice Corr and Nicola Munaro
24.1 Introduction 
24.2 Clause Type 
24.2.1 Declaratives 
24.2.2 Interrogatives 
24.2.3 Exclamatives 
24.2.4 Imperatives 
24.2.5 Optatives 
24.2.6 Concluding Remarks 
24.3 Speech Acts and Illocutionary Force
24.3.1 Theoretical Approaches to Speech Acts 
24.3.1.1 The View from Speech Act Theory 
24.3.1.2 The Role of Syntax 
24.3.1.3 The Role of Prosody 
24.3.2 Mapping Form to Function: Insights from Romance 
24.3.2.1 The Role of Polarity 
24.3.2.2 Word Order, Complementizers, and Verb Movement 
24.3.2.3 Disambiguating Discourse 
24.3.3 Syntactic Encoding of ‘Speech Act’ Information 
24.4 Conclusion 

25 Address Systems and Social Markers

Federica Da Milano and Konstanze Jungbluth
25.1 Introduction 
25.2 From Latin to Romance: Expressing Politeness by Pronouns 
25.3 Forms of Address between Lexicon and Grammar in Use Today 
25.3.1 Noun Phrase: Nominal Forms of Address 
25.3.2 Pronominal Forms: Address Systems 
25.3.3 Vocatives 
25.3.4 Paradigms and Their Variation: Losses and Gains 
25.3.5 Typological Patterns of Address Systems 
25.4 Changing Address Systems across Time 
25.5 Conclusion 

26 Information Structure

Silvio Cruschina, Ion Giurgea, and Eva-Maria Remberger 
26.1 Introduction 
26.2 Focus, Focalization, and Focus Types 
26.2.1 Introduction 
26.2.2 Focus and New Information 
26.2.3 Focus Types and Focus Fronting 
26.2.4 Focus Types and Clefts 
26.3 Topicalization Constructions and Types of Topics 
26.3.1 Introduction 
26.3.2 Topic-Marking and Givenness-Marking 
26.3.3 Different Types of Topics in the Left Periphery 
26.3.4 Different Syntactic Constructions and Their Derivation 
26.4 Subject Placement 
26.4.1 Introduction 
26.4.2 Status of Preverbal Subjects 
26.4.3 Subject Inversion: Narrow Focus and Thetic Sentences 

Part Six. Language, Society, and the Individual

27 Register, Genre, and Style in the Romance Languages
Christopher Pountain and Rodica Zafiu
27.1 Definitions 
27.1.1 Register 
27.1.2 Genre 
27.1.3 Style 
27.1.4 Some Dimensions of Register, Genre, and Style 
27.2 Register 
27.2.1 ‘Spoken’ and ‘Written’ Language 
27.2.1.1 The Identification of français populaire 
27.2.1.2 The Boundaries of Spoken and Written Register 
27.2.1.3 Subregisters 
27.2.1.4 Jargons and Slangs 
27.2.2 Variation According to Register 
27.2.3 Some Particular Phenomena 
27.2.3.1 Affective Suffixes 
27.2.3.2 Dislocation 
27.2.3.3 Passive 
27.2.3.4 Relativizers 
27.2.3.5 Future Tense Functions 
27.2.3.6 Morphological Variation 
27.2.3.7 Discourse Phenomena 
27.3 Genre 
27.4 Style 
27.4.1 ‘Good’ Style 
27.4.2 Literary Style 
27.5 The Importance of Diaphasic Variation in the History of the Romance Languages 
27.5.1 ‘Learnèd’ Influence 
27.5.2 The Relative Distance between Registers 
27.5.3 Attitudinal Factors 
27.6 Conclusion 

28 Contact and Borrowing

Francesco Gardani 
28.1 Introduction 
28.2 Effects of Language Contact 
28.3 Borrowing 
28.3.1 Phonological Borrowing 
28.3.2 Prosodic Borrowing 
28.3.3 Morphological Borrowing 
28.3.4 Syntactic Borrowing 
28.4 The Upper Limits of Borrowing 
28.5 Linguistic Factors Favouring Grammatical Borrowing 
28.6 Borrowability Hierarchies 
28.7 Conclusion 

29 Diamesic Variation

Maria Selig
29.1 Defining Diamesic Variation 
29.1.1 ‘Spoken’ and ‘Written’ Language 
29.1.2 Diamesic Variation, the Architecture of Varieties, and Register Theory 
29.1.3 Three Dimensions of Diamesic Variation: Medial, Sociolinguistic, and Functional Aspects 
29.1.4 Synchronic Variation and Processes of Standardization 
29.2 Effects and Consequences of Diamesic Variation 
29.2.1 Written and Spoken Latin: The Sociophilological Approach 
29.2.2 The Dynamics of Late Latin: Diglossia, Restandardization, and Polynormativity 
29.2.3 Spoken Varieties and Linguistic Change  
29.2.4 Inscripturation: Romance Vernacular Varieties and the Transition to Written Use 
29.2.5 Scriptae: ‘Invisible Hands’ and Linguistic Centralizations 
29.2.6 Codifications: ‘Grammatization’ and ‘Standard Ideologies’ 
29.2.7 Mass Literacy, Restandardization, and New Media 

30 Social Factors in Language Change and Variation
John Charles Smith
30.1 Introduction 
30.2 Variation and Change 
30.3 Social Variables 
30.3.1 Time 
30.3.2 Place 
30.3.3 Age 
30.3.4 Class 
30.3.5 Gender 
30.3.6 Ethnicity 
30.3.7 Style and Register 
30.3.8 Medium 
30.3.9 Attitude and Lifestyle 
30.3.10 Concluding Remarks 
30.4 Transmission and Diffusion 
30.5 Simplification and Complexification 
30.6 Diglossia and Linguistic Repertoire 
30.7 Code-Switching and Contact Vernaculars 
30.8 Language Death 
30.9 Societal Typology and Language Change 
30.10 Standardization 
30.11 Ausbau Languages and Abstand Languages 
30.12 Conclusion 

Index