Novedad bibliográficaInfoling 2.45 (2026)
[Texto de https://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/3... target="_blank" rel="noopener">Language Science Press, traducido por https://chat.deepseek.com" target="_blank" rel="noopener">DeepSeek, y revisado por Infoling]
Este libro ofrece una nueva perspectiva sobre las https://www.google.com/search?q=declarat... target="_blank" rel="noopener">declarativas marcadas prosódicamente, las https://www.google.com/search?q=exclamat... target="_blank" rel="noopener">exclamativas cuánticas [ing. wh-exclamatives] y las http://www.dpde.es/#/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">partículas discursivas en la https://www.google.com/search?q=variedad... target="_blank" rel="noopener">variedad del español de Madrid. En la obra, se plantea que algunas formas marcadas se diferencian de las no marcadas en que codifican https://www.google.com/search?q=evaluaci... target="_blank" rel="noopener">evaluaciones modales del contenido focal de los enunciados [ing. meaning at-issue]. Dos https://www.google.com/search?q=evaluaci... target="_blank" rel="noopener">evaluaciones epistémicas que, según se demuestra, son codificadas por la entonación en español son la https://www.google.com/search?q=evaluaci... target="_blank" rel="noopener">obviedad y la https://www.google.com/search?q=evaluaci... target="_blank" rel="noopener">miratividad, las cuales presentan el contenido focal [meaning at-issue] como esperado e inesperado, respectivamente. Una investigación empírica basada en un experimento de producción revela que dichas evaluaciones se asocian a distintos rasgos entonativos sin que varíe el foco oracional, y que las posturas de (des)acuerdo tienen un impacto en las declarativas de obviedad.
Se observa que las exclamativas cuánticas no difieren significativamente en su marcación entonativa de las declarativas neutras, lo que indica que no constituyen necesariamente mirativas. Además, se constata que la marcación entonativa en diferentes partículas discursivas dentro del diálogo natural se correlaciona con su aporte de significado, sin estar completamente determinada por éste. En parte, estos hallazgos confirman cuantitativamente descripciones cualitativas previas sobre el significado de las configuraciones entonativas en el español de Madrid. Sin embargo, también aportan nuevas perspectivas sobre el papel que desempeña la entonación en la negociación de compromisos y expectativas entre los interlocutores.
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This book provides a new perspective on prosodically marked declaratives, wh-exclamatives, and discourse particles in the Madrid variety of Spanish. It argues that some marked forms differ from unmarked forms in that they encode modal evaluations of the at-issue meaning. Two epistemic evaluations that can be shown to be encoded by intonation in Spanish are obviousness and mirativity, which present the at-issue meaning as expected and unexpected, respectively. An empirical investigation via a production experiment finds that they are associated with distinct intonational features under constant focus scope, with stances of (dis)agreement showing an impact on obvious declaratives.
Wh-exclamatives are found not to differ significantly in intonational marking from neutral declaratives, showing that they need not be miratives. Moreover, we find that intonational marking on different discourse particles in natural dialogue correlates with their meaning contribution without being fully determined by it. In part, these findings quantitatively confirm previous qualitative findings on the meaning of intonational configurations in Madrid Spanish. But they also add new insights on the role intonation plays in the negotiation of commitments and expectations between interlocutors.
Acknowledgments
Abbreviations and symbols
1 Introduction
1.1 Goals
1.2 The problem
1.3 Proposal and structure
1.4 A quick guide to the examples in this book
2 Spanish intonational phonology
2.1 Autosegmental-Metrical theory and Sp_ToBI
2.2 Delimitation
2.2.1 Mapping
2.2.2 Boundaries
2.2.3 Scaling and alignment
2.3 Distinction
2.3.1 Tones and tunes
2.3.2 The Provocation-Response Nexus
2.3.3 Spanish intonational phonemes
2.3.4 Variable intonation on Spanish insubordinates
2.3.5 A melodic construction for obviousness?
3 Mirativity and obviousness as intonational meanings
3.1 Decomposing exclamatives
3.1.1 Exclamatives in perspective
3.1.2 The mirative component
3.2 Decomposing statements of the obvious
3.3 A model of meaning in dialogue
3.3.1 Reacting to assertions and polar questions
3.3.2 Beyond (dis)agreement
3.3.3 Including modal non-at-issue meaning
4 Summary and methodological implications
4.1 Main arguments
4.2 Methodological implications
5 Exploring corpora: Discourse particles and intonation
5.1 Functions of discourse particles: hombre, claro, anda, vaya
5.2 Intonation and discourse particles
5.2.1 Turns with claro
5.2.2 Turns with hombre
5.2.3 Turns with anda
5.2.4 Turns with vaya
5.3 Preliminary conclusions and experimental tasks
6 Production experiment: Intonation only
6.1 Methodology
6.1.1 Methodological background
6.1.2 Materials, participants, and procedure
6.1.3 Measurements, annotation, and software
6.2 Results
6.3 Discussion
6.3.1 On neutral, mirative, and obvious declaratives
6.3.2 Wh-exclamatives need not be miratives
6.3.3 On obvious reversals
6.3.4 On prenuclear and final rises in obvious confirmations
6.3.5 Remaining puzzles
7 Conclusions
7.1 Recapitulation
7.2 Open questions and outlook
Appendix A: Previous findings on Castilian intonation
Appendix B: Supplementary materials
Appendix C: Stimuli
Appendix D: Changes to the Eti_ToBI script
Appendix E: Test assumptions
References
Index
Name index
Correo-e: <infoling
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