Tesis doctoral en la redInfoling 5.13 (2017)

Autor/ra:Screti, Francesco
Fecha de lectura o defensa:7 de marzo de 2016
Título de la tesis:The discursive construction of presidentiability in televised presidential debates. Analysis of the Spanish political field during the campaign for the 2008 general election
Director/a de la tesis:Alexandre Duchêne
Universidad:Université de Fribourg
Departamento:Institut de Plurilinguisme
País:Suiza
Descripción de la tesisIn this dissertation I analyze how presidentiability is discursively constructed in relation to the functioning of the Spanish contemporary political field. In particular I will analyze presidential debates as a privileged stage from which to observe the constitution, workings and representation of the political field, since they epitomize the fight between agents in changing the relations of force existing within it. Debates homologically represent the structure of the political field and its internal struggles. Since political struggle is mainly conducted with words, and debates are (or are framed as) the main communicative events of electioneering, they comprise the central space for the discursive construction of presidentiability.

The analysis will show that the discourse produced by the candidates is determined by the political field structure and expresses its dynamics: in particular, it will be seen that candidates spend much of their time on the front-stage of debates to implement their electoral strategies using moves and devices designed to increase their presidentiability and decrease that of their opponent. From my multidisciplinary theoretical standpoint, I link Bourdieu’s reflections on political field and capital(s), Rhetorical and Argumentative reflections on ethos and Goffman’s reflections on image or face for the purpose of subsuming them under the label of presidentiability: i.e. the capability of being president in accordance with certain attributes. These attributes are rationally considered as necessarily inherent in the president by a large majority of people from both parties (global attributes such as ability, coherence, sincerity, selflessness, etc.) or by the large majority of people from each party (local attributes as supportiveness, dialogue, optimism, etc. in the case of the Left and toughness, strictness, etc. for the Right).

My discussion on the construction of presidentiability in debates can be conceived as a triangle whose surface is covered by discourse and whose sides are: 1) the topics of the debate in relation to which candidates are attacking each other; 2) the attributes of the presidentiable person that emerge as being relevant and 3) the discursive devices employed as well as the moves made by candidates in order to implement their electoral strategies. Within the debates, candidates manage presidentiability in relation to certain themes that are or have been constructed as contextually relevant for the Spanish electorate: the economy, immigration, terrorism and Catalan nationalism; their presidentiability rises or falls depending on their ability to present themselves with or without certain attributes constructed as relevant in relation to themes; they implement their strategies of presidentiability management by making discursive moves of dis/alignment and employing discursive devices such as metaphors, deixis, arguments, quotes, etc. The analysis deployed in this dissertation will show how a discourse generated in a certain political field and that expresses its dynamics works: essentially, it will shed light on the rules of the political game and the way candidates play it against the backdrop of contemporary Spanish society.

More information: http://doc.rero.ch/record/288295?ln=fr
Área temática:Análisis del discurso, Antropología lingüística, Pragmática, Retórica, Sociolingüística, Técnicas de comunicación
Índice0. INTRODUCTION. Political field and presidentiability at the front-stage of TV debates
0.1. Presidentiability
0.1.1. The rules of the political game
0.1.2. The management of presidentiability
0.2. Structure of the dissertation

1. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK. From field structure to argumentative discourse
1.1. Introducing the theoretical framework
1.2. Defining political discourse
1.3. Multidisciplinarity
1.4. Parties as the main agents of institutional Politics
1.5. Politics as a zero-sum game
1.6. The logic of representation and the functioning of the field
1.7. Conceptual frame
1.7.1. Fields
1.7.2. Political field
1.7.3. Capital
1.7.4. Social capital and political capital
1.7.4.1. Social capital and votes
1.7.4.2. Political capital as symbolic capital
1.7.5. Observations
1.7.6. Self-presentation: Political capital, ethos, face
1.7.7. Ideology
1.7.8. Ideology and de/legitimation
1.7.9. Presidentiability and attributes of the presidentiable candidate
1.8. Summary

2. THE POLITICAL FIELD AS TERRAIN. Components of the Spanish political field
2.1. Introducing the Spanish political field
2.2. Spain’s political and administrative structure
2.2.1. Division of powers
2.2.2. Territorial and administrative organization
2.2.3. Elections at the different levels of the Spanish administrative structure
2.2.3.1. State Parliament
2.2.3.2. Regional Parliaments
2.2.3.3. Provincial Parliament
2.2.3.4. Municipal Parliaments
2.2.4. Observations
2.3. The Spanish political party system
2.3.1. A brief overview of the system of Spanish political parties
2.3.1.1. National parties
2.3.1.2. Regional parties
2.3.2. The three main Spanish parties: PP, PSOE, IU
2.3.2.1. The recent history of Spain
2.3.2.2. History, ideology and figures of PP, PSOE, and IU
2.3.2.2.1. PP
2.3.2.2.2. PSOE
2.3.2.2.3. IU
2.3.2.3. Observations
2.4. Summary

3. DATA. Collection, treatment and organization
3.1. Introduction
3.2. Selection of material
3.3. The reason for choosing the debates
3.4. Multimodality and simplified transcription
3.5. Organization of materials
3.6. Data treatment
3.7. Summary

4. ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK. Interactional and discourse analytical approaches
4.1. Introduction
4.2. Interactional approaches
4.2.1. The interactional construction of stances
4.2.2. Participation frame: Turn taking, Participants, Interactional space
4.2.3. Faces, faces in interaction and facework
4.3. Discourse analytical approaches
4.3.1. Metaphor
4.3.2. Inferential meanings: presuppositions, entailments, implicatures
4.3.3. Narratives
4.3.4. Reported speech and quotations
4.3.5. Deixis
4.3.6. Argumenta, falacia, loci (or topoi)
4.4. Summary

5. THE DEBATES AS A STAGE. A place for the construction of presidentiability
5.1. Introducing the debates
5.2. Presidential debates in Western democracies and as a field of inquiry
5.3. Mediatization, personalization and polarization: debates as rituals of confrontation
5.4. Spanish televised debates as a means of sanction for the two-party system
5.5. Norms, organization and structure of 2008 Spanish debates
5.6. The structure and the themes of the debates
5.7. Debates as a stage for managing presidentiability
5.8. Summary

6. FROM CLEAVAGES TO THEMES. Terrains for managing presidentiability
6.1. Introduction: Cleavages and Themes
6.2. Cleavages
6.2.1. Definition of cleavages
6.2.2. Old and new political cleavages and the 2008 election campaign
6.3. Themes
6.3.1. Difficulty of selecting themes from electoral discourses
6.3.2. Treatment of themes by politicians
6.3.3. How to select (relevant) themes
6.4. Themes and the construction of presidentiability
6.5. Summary

7. THE ECONOMY. Enriching or impoverishing laymen
7.1. Introduction: the economy in Spanish politics
7.2. The economy in the debates: Strategies, moves, devices
7.2.1. RJ’s moves to manage presidentiability
7.2.1.1. Ability: PP as an effective administrator and PSOE as incapable
7.2.1.2. Ability: ZP as passive
7.2.1.3. Defense of people’s interests: Proximity to or distance from people
7.2.2. ZP’s moves to manage presidentiability
7.2.2.1. Un/supportiveness: PSOE supportive vs. PP unsupportive
7.2.2.1. Fair play: PSOE fair player PP unfair player
7.2.2.3. Sincerity and Ability: Good debater vs. bad debater
7.2.2.4. PSOE dialogue PP authoritarian
7.2.2.5. Selflessness: PP opportunistic vs. PSOE selfless
7.2.2.5. Optimism vs. pessimism: PSOE optimistic and PP pessimistic
7.2.3. A particular case: the first question RJ asked ZP in the Congreso
7.3. Observations

8. IMMIGRATION. The rhetoric of coladero
8.1. Immigration and Spain
8.2. Immigration in the debates: Strategies, moves, and devices
8.2.1. RJ’s moves for managing presidentiability
8.2.1.1. ZP as incapable
8.2.1.2. RJ as capable
8.2.1.3. Distancing ZP from citizens: ZP as indifferent, insensitive, unaware
8.2.1.4. ZP far removed from reality
8.2.1.5. Strength and strictness vs. weakness and laxity
8.2.1.6. Sincerity and coherence: words and deeds
8.2.1.7. Re-constructing supportiveness and defending Spaniards’ interests
8.2.1.8. Good debater bad debater: RJ as the Spaniards’ spokesperson
8.2.1.9. The EU as authority: ZP as being isolated in Europe
8.2.2. ZP’s moves to manage presidentiability
8.2.2.1. Supportiveness
8.2.2.2. Capability and Coherence
8.2.2.3. Progressiveness
8.2.2.4. Dialogue
8.2.2.5. Immigrant integration
8.2.2.6. Selflessness and sincerity
8.2.3. A particular case: disputing xenophobia
8.3. Observations

9. TERRORISM. The hero (PP), the villain (ETA) and its accomplice (ZP)
9.1. The role of ETA in Spanish politics
9.2. Terrorism in the debates: Strategies, moves, devices for managing presidentiability
9.2.1. RJ’s moves to manage presidentiability
9.2.1.1. Ability: ZP as incapable
9.2.1.2. Unity: ZP as a divider and breaker of traditional consensus
9.2.1.3. Coherence and consistency: ZP as incoherent
9.2.1.4. Sincerity: ZP lies to Spaniards
9.2.1.5. Strength vs. weakness: Fighting against vs. negotiating with terrorists
9.2.1.6. ZP’s contiguity with terrorists
9.2.2. ZP’s moves to manage presidentiability
9.2.2.1. Ability: PP antiterrorist politics less effective than PSOE
9.2.2.2. Opportunism vs. Selflessness
9.2.2.3. Unity: the quest for agreement
9.2.3. A particular case: 11M for Spain: a bad debater and fair play
9.3. Observations

10. THE CATALAN QUESTION. Patriot or non-patriot
10.1. The Catalan question from the 15th century to the present
10.1.1. The Estatut de Autonomia de Catalunya
10.1.2. Unity of Spain for PSOE and PP
10.2. The Unity of Spain in the debate: strategies, moves, devices
10.2.1. RJ’s moves to manage presidentiability
10.2.1.1. Ability: ZP as incapable
10.2.1.2. Unity: ZP as a divider
10.2.1.3. Sincerity: ZP as a liar or as removed from reality
10.2.1.4. ZP as ignorant and unserious, inexpert and irresponsible
10.2.1.5. ZP as isolated and radical
10.2.1.6. ZP as antidemocratic and incoherent
10.2.1.7. The idea of Spain: ZP as not sharing the notion of a (united) Spain
10.2.1.8. Patriotism vs. Anti-patriotism: ZP as a threat to the unity of Spain
10.2.2. ZP’s moves to manage presidentiability
10.2.2.1. Unity: PP as a divider
10.2.2.2. PP as authoritarian vs. PSOE as open to dialogue and progressive
10.2.2.3. PP as incoherent and opportunistic
10.2.2.4. Optimism vs. pessimism
10.2.2.5. PSOE, the defender of joy and freedoms vs. PP a threat to freedom
10.2.2.6. Unity
10.2.3. A particular case: the Castilian language in Catalonia
10.3. Observations

11. CONCLUSIONS. Presidentiability, the field, and the ideological convergence
11.1. Introducing the conclusions
11.2. The main values invoked through the attribute of the presidentiable
11.3. The main devices employed for constructing presidentiability
11.4. The discourse produced: hybridization and ideological convergence
11.5. Contribution to the academic field, limitations and further developments
Número de págs.:364
Remitente:Francesco Screti
Institución: Université de Fribourg
Correo-e: <francesco.scretiunifr.ch>
Fecha de publicación en Infoling:5 de mayo de 2017

Tesis doctorales: desde 2010